The Niger Delta Crisis: It’s Impact on Nigerian’s National Security

The Niger Delta Crisis: It’s Impact on Nigerian’s National Security

CHAPTER ONE

OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

National security questions and the role played by the Niger Delta crisis is theme which requires adequate scholarly attention.

The objective of this study therefore are

1. To look at how the Niger Delta crisis affects Nigerian national security.
2. To locate the impact of the Niger Delta crisis within the framework of its implication of national security.
3. To see how regional based crisis affect the survival of the entire country.
4. To identify the changing dynamics and what constitutes nationals security over the years and how the nation state of Nigeria has been contending with the crisis.
5. The place of rude oil in the escalation and in the reduction of the Niger Delta crisis.
6. The significance of the other exigencies or factors in the crisis.
7. The contribution of the multination corporation and different political ferments in the regions.

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

The Niger Delta is one of the numerous parts of the country which have enjoyed considerable academic attention, scholars from different intellectual and academic persuasions have carried out research on different aspect of the history. Society and economy of the Niger Delta, History remains a veritable and indispensable discipline for any critical understanding of Niger Delta Crisis at any period. Also, most of the historical work say up to 1960 do not have direct relevance to the impact which the Niger Delta Crisis is planning in Nigerian national security. However, a fact which remain Niger Delta Crisis can be adequately appreciated with a good knowledge of relevant academic publications on the history of the people and culture of the region called “Niger Delta” it is in this connection that was shall take a cursory look at some core historical literature on the Niger Delta history and people before the demise of colonial rule in 1960. This aspect of review of existing literature will lead us to the one that are published since 1960 and most importantly in the past few years.

From a purely historical point of view, Kenneth Onwuka Dike’s “Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, 1830-1885”¹ remains monumental; to be sure, this work of history is the first academic publication of the history of the people of the present day Nigeria from a Afro-centric point of view. Dike and other academic disciplines revolutionarized the writing of Africa History by presenting Oral Tradition as a veritable tool for historical reconstruction. This publication opened the water-gate of historical scholarship which eventually gave birth to the so called “Ibadan School of History” in focusing on the economic and political developments in the region, from 1830-1885, the work affords us the opportunity to appreciates the relationship between Niger Delta people and their African neighbor on the one hand and that between the Niger Delta people and the Europeans in the Gulf of Guinea on the other. The discussion on the nature of the slave trade and the palm oil trade (two main resources) are as incisive as they are engaging.

Another classic work that provides us with background information about the Niger Delta Crisis is Obaro Ikime’s Niger Delta; Rivalry: Itsekiri-Urhobo Relations and Europeans presence 1884-1936. Even though the work focuses on the three ethnic groups Urhobo, Itsekiri and Isoko in the Niger Delta it dwells essentially on the context for the then identified resources of the region. Again, like Dike Ikime’s examines the conflict from two perspective: the rivalry between the Urhobo and the Itsekiri and the imbroglio between the Niger Delta people and the British during the age of “New imperislism”.² In foregoing, our understanding of the past for the purpose of illuminating the present state of affairs between these three ethnic groups in the Niger Delta. Ikime’s work helps us to understand the relationship between people of the then Delta province, more importantly, he region. Instructively, he asserts, “the respective geographical location of these people has been one of the most important determinants of the relationship between them”.

₦3,000.00 – DOWNLOAD CHAPTERS 1-5 PROCEED TO DOWNLOAD Added to cart

 

CHAPTER THREE

NIGER DELTA CRISIS IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

In this chapter, 1 shall be discussing the historical origin of the Niger Delta crisis, in the wise, I shall turn my search light to development in the 19^th century up to the end of 1960. The Niger Deltans have a well documented tradition of nationalism and resistance against attempts by people who are foreigners in the region to control the Niger Delta resources, this tradition of resistance pre-dates the colonial period. The politics of trade in the Niger Delta, the 19^th century was that in which the people insisted that trade be carried out in fair terms and with benefits to their people. In the last quarters of the 19^th century which was characterized by aggressive European imperialist economic philosophy of mercantilism and free trade, the perceived resources of the Niger Delta was in the trade between Europeans and the hinterlands of the Niger Delta.

The stout determination to defend and control the trade within their domain and maintain their middlemen position soon resulted in several conflicts between the Niger Delta people and the Europeans at the coasts of the Niger Delta region. These conflicts were ostensibly for the perceived resources in the Niger Delta during the period 1885-1900. The conflicts between Jaja of Opobo and the British and hi eventual deportation in 1886, the famous Akassa raid organized by king Koko of Nembe Olomu, the Itsekiri governor of the Benin River against the British in 1895 and a host of other such struggles¹ against British imperial appetite in the Niger Delta epitomized the people’s resistance to attempts by foreigner elements to subjugate them and control their resources.

During the pre-colonial period, there was also competition for resources amongst the inhabitants of the region, this generated considerable tension and restlessness amongst various groups in the Niger Delta, there were clashes over interests in fishponds, trade and land that were all regarded as important resources of the time well documented is the rivalry between the Itsekiri and the Urhobo’s² and the struggle for trade and strategic location as exemplified by the Jaja episode and his eventual relocation to Opobo on the estuary of Imo River by 1870,³ there were also the various trade between Nanan Olomu of Itsekiri and the Urhobo.

CHAPTER FOUR

NATURE AND DYNAMICS OF NIGER DELTA CRISIS

In the group of one of the major crisis in Nigeria is the Niger Delta Crisis, the nature and dynamics of the crisis is very fluid and the fluidity have generated a lot of interpretation from the town and the gown. In looking at he nature and dynamics of the Niger Delta crisis I shall gravitates from the period when oil was discovered in the region to the present period 2010.

The journey towards re-establishing the Niger Delta as a major player in the Nigerian economy began in the closing year of the colonial rule. Although, crude oil was discovered in a commercial quantity in 1956 at Oloibiri in the Niger Delta it only assumed a position of significance in Nigeria’s economic index in the post colonial period. A decade after the discovery of crude oil at Oloibiri, Nigeria was exporting about 139, 548, 969 barrels per annum and this yielded over ₤91,942,000.¹ it had become a significant sector of the Nigerian economy with over ten transnational oil corporations operating in the Nigerian scene.

Indeed, the oil industry soon became the jewel of the nations as it became a source of pride and wealth. It is important to note that the oil field s that yielded this new black gold in Nigeria were all concentrated in the Niger Delta area, inspite of the civil war and the attendant set backs suffered by the emerging oil industry in Nigeria, over half a billion barrels of crude oil valued at N567, 560,000 was exported in 1971.³ Oil sales therefore, contribute about 60% of Nigeria’s foreign exchange earnings. Indeed, the industry was bubbling with great vitality and fantastic expectations for future.

CHAPTER FIVE

IMPACT OF THE CRISIS ON NIGERIAN’S NATIONAL SECURITY (UNDERSTANDING HUMAN SECURITY)

The concept of national security as mentioned in chapter two literature review is a very fluid one. The conceptualization changes in accordance with social economic and political transformation of the society. OBC Nwolise have made a distinction between the old conceptualization of security, one will discover that it will be better to look at security from one perspective, it is in the light of this that I am looking at the Niger Delta Crisis and human security.

We are in an era where human security is considered a highly ambiguous interdisciplinary research item and gradually, it is becoming an issue of global concern. The focus on security is shifting towards individuals from the old tradition that was centered on the state; there are emerging efforts in reshaping and reappraising the security sector. Today, we are confronted with several questions in relation to security sector reforms: Reform for whom and for what? We may translate it to the Niger Delta region and ask, by whom, the west and their commercial interests or the Federal Government or the Local Government/people. We may go further to ask reform for what, national sovereignty or the survival of the citizens that inhabit the region;

Central to the human security debate is the UNDP approach that focuses on health, economic, food, environmental, community and political threats.¹ This approach also reiterates such question as: Security for whom? Security for which values? Security from what threats? Security by what means?² Mahbub U.L Haq, responded to the question of “Security for whom” Succintly,³ He suggests that the world is “entering a new era of human security in which the entire concept of security will be equated with the “security of the individuals, not just security of nations” or to put it differently, security of people, not in just security of territory” He went further more normatively, stating that, we need to fashion in the lives of our people, not in the weapons of our country. In fashioning this new concept, we may ask once, what values will we see to protect? Again Haq is not explicit on this issue, but clearly the prime values are individuals safety and well being in the broad sense whereas the traditional conception of security emphasizes territorial and political integrity as primary values that need to be protected, human security pertains above all to safety and well being of all people everywhere in their homes, in their jobs, in their communities and in their environment.⁴ Can we begin to imagine the Niger Delta in this light.

Two nations that stand out in the human security debate are Canada and Japan, while Canada advocates a people centered view or security based on humanitarian interventions. Japan opts for the core of development issues that ensures human dignity. We may easily agree that state power and state security establishes and expands to sustain order and peace. But in the 21^st century both the challenges to security and its protectors have become more complex. To a great extent the state remains the fundamental suppliers of security.⁵ The Nigerian state in her case has failed to fulfill its security obligations to her citizens and at a time seen as a source of threat to her citizens. For the country to survive the “New Nigeria project” due attention must be given to the security of her citizens as opposed to threats to their survival particular attention should be focused on the security of the people of the Niger Delta.

THE SECURITY DILEMMA IN THE NIGER DELTA

The notion that conflicts can erupt over access to resources appears commonplace. Societies in conflict or emerging from conflict constitute a majority of those that fails to achieve widely agreed goals of economic well-being and social development. The Niger Delta is challenged by serious and overlapping social and environmental problems with the Nigerian state, the oil multinationals and the oil bearing communities as key actor. The broadening of security in the Niger Delta include foreign military intelligence reflects the changing international and national environments. The recent emergence of the British Scotland Yard detectives⁹ and the request for U.S Marine¹⁰ and British assistance in terms of military underscores the fact that security of the region is fast becoming a global commodity. The commercial interests easily have their way in influencing and manipulating the politics of the nation, the state itself prefers to dine with the multinationals and rubbish the Niger Delta. The gab between wealthy and destitute people had never been greater than today. The exclusion and deprivation of whole communities of people from the benefits of development has naturally contributed to the tensions, violence and conflict within the region, the escalation of international ethno political conflicts has further threatened the survival of Nigeria’s nascent democracy.

The Niger Delta basin is considered Nigeria’s economic lifeline, naturally endowed with viable deposits of hydrocarbon and gas reserves, there is a need now, more than ever to record priorities and seek better understanding of the underlying causes and dynamics of the crisis with the aim to provide effective conflict prevention and management strategies. The instability in the region has been manifested in the violent political, economic and social conflict studies into causes of protracted social conflicts have shown that conflict most often occur when basic human needs, such as the need for physical security and well beings, communal or cultural recognition, participation and control and distribution, justice are repeatedly denied, threatened or frustrated especially over a long period of time.¹¹ Noticeably, many contemporary conflicts are the current manifestation of a cycle of historical grievance. Although led by modern political entrepreneurs, who are also articulating modern political entrepreneurs, who are also articulating modern grievances their intensity is related to deep-rooted beliefs in a separate identity that were never completely extinguished by state policies of repression, eradication or homogenization. The severe political and economic discrimination in the Niger Delta have left a durable legacy of reverberating echoes of conflict.

INTERVENTION MEASURE BY FEDERAL GOVERNEMNT

Many intervention agencies have been established to solve the legion of problems of the Niger-Delta, to no avail, these agencies include:

1. Proclamation of Niger Delta as special area – 1959
2. Niger Delta Development Board – 1960
3. Niger Delta Basin Development Authority – 1976
4. Special funds for oil producing areas by revenue Act – 1981
5. Presidential Task force for the development of oil producing areas (from 1.5 percent special fund) – 1989.
6. Oil Mineral Producing Areas, Development Commission (OMPADEC) and 3 percent derivation – 1992
7. Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) 2000
8. Implementation of 13 percent derivation – 2000
9. The Lt. General Alexander Ogomudia Committee, 50 percent derivation, for oil producing states – 2000
10. The Dr. Peter Odili Committee on disarmament.
11. The Dr. Goodluck Jonathan Committee on Empowerment – 2006.
12. NNPC emphasis on local content in oil industry.
13. Presidential Council on coastal states and Appointment of Special Adviser to the President on Niger-Delta – 2006.
14. Ministry of Niger Delta – 2008.

Much as these interventionist agencies by the Federal Government have attempted to solve the problems, it is also note worthy that the central government has equally made laws to enhance the efficacy of the agencies, such laws includes, the constitution of the Federal Republic, Land Use Act. These laws have been made to forcefully take the land and resources which belong to the people. Notwithstanding, the recent inauguration of the Technical committee on the Niger Delta is another adhoc effort to provide a soft landing pad for the impoverished and deprived people of the region. It has received knocks and kudos from a variety of people and stakeholders in the areas.

CHALLENGES OF SUSTAINABLE PEACE

Since the basis of conflict is the clash of interests, values and goals, conflicts can only be resolved when these are change.¹⁶ Preventing and mitigating the impact of internal violent conflicts are not sufficient to achieve peace and stability in today’s interdependent world. The upholding of human rights pursuing inclusive and equitable development and respecting human dignity and diversity are very important, equally decisive is to develop the capability of individuals and communities to make informed choices an act on their own behalf. In many respects, human security requires of reinforces states security but does not replace it focuses on the widest possible range of people having enough confidence in their future that they can actually think about creating genuine possibilities for people to live in safety and decency.¹⁷

Ensuring genuine peace that would bring solace and self-actualization to the people of the Niger Delta without mortgaging the comfort and pleasure of the unborn generations seem a great paradox. A sustainable system naturally is one that does not harm the environment or a system that can continue or be continued for a long time. Therefore, the peace that we pursue in the Niger Delta should be an enduring one. Many do not believe in this idea being realizable in the Niger Delta, but whether achievable or not, we should note that the principle behind sustainability is to make life meaningful to all; it all depends on our perceptions and sincere feelings as regards to out collective responsibilities toward lasting peace in this region.

Peace in the Niger Delta can be an end or an means to an end, peace is not a static particularly when the status quo entrenches continuing inequities, injustices and tyranny, peace is much more than the absence of war, we are all not unaware that we live in a world of unprecedented wealth and opportunity but one in which gross inequities and imbalances continue to deprive major portions of the world’s population of the benefits which out technological civilization now makes possible. The fact that we have at the same time greater concentrations of wealth than ever and more poor and deprivation is also an unsustainable paradox which challenges the moral basis of our civilization. It is becoming painfully obvious for instance, that the gap between the beneficiaries and the victims of globalization is growing. Redressing the gross imbalances and inequalities are quintessential to sustained and sustainable peace and the primary challenge for the 21^st century.

REFERENCES

1. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), (1994) Human Development Report 1994 (New York, Oxford University Press).
2. See analysis of David Baldwin (1997) “The Concept of Security” by Kanti Bajpai ‘Human Security: Concept and Measurement” Kroc Institute Occasional paper, No. 19 pg. 1 August 2000, Also UNDP (1994) “Redefining security: The Human Dimension” Current History, Vol. 94, pg. 229-236.
3. Mahbub U.L. Haq has closely associated with the idea of human security from the beginning much of his analysis appeared in “New Imperatives of Human Security” RGICS paper No. 17 Rajiv Gandhi Foundation, New Delhi (1994), in Kanti Bajpai ibid.
4. Hag, New Imperatives of Human Security. Pg. 1
5. A central argument is that national security is insufficient to guarantee people’s security. See DFAIT Government of Canada (1999) “Human security: Safety of People in a Changing World” Website of the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, http:/www/dfact.maeci.gc.ca/foreign/Humansecurity/secure/htm.

₦3,000.00 – DOWNLOAD CHAPTERS 1-5 PROCEED TO DOWNLOAD Added to cart