Godfatherism and Electoral Polities in Nigeria
CHAPTER ONE
Objective of the study
The purpose of the study is to examine the concept of godfatherism and electorial politics in Nigeria. However, to achieve this broad objective, the researcher considers the following specific objectives;
- To determine the role of godfatherism as a guiding principle in contemporary Nigeria politics.
- To understand the place of money and influence as a determinant of an election in Nigeria political content
- To evaluate the impact of godfathers on Nigeria’s General elections
- To understand the relationship and contradictions between Political godfathers and governance
Chapter two
Literature review
The Concept of Godfatherism
A Godfather could refer to a person who sponsors or provides care of support for a person or project. In the same token, it could be used to describe a person directing an illegal and criminal organization. Danoye (2004:44), see godfather as a human being who plays god to his people. He provides their basic needs fends for them, protects them and assists them to secure and achieve their objectives. He further states “his support could be seen as investment, which he believes must yield some profits in the future”. This is also peculiar to the godfathers of organized crimes profits in the future”. This is also peculiar to the godfathers powerful blocs that have tremendous influence in the society such as the Kaduna mafia (Bala and Sonni, 1987). It comprises coalition of strong socio-economic and political elites that share similar value system and under an organized structure. In most cases, there are always godfathers who control the affairs of the mafia.
In the words of Akinola (2009: 269) ‘a godfather is a kingmaker, boss, mentor, and principal, while a godson is the beneficiary and recipient of the legacy of a godfather. He further states that “a godfather is someone who has built unimaginable respect that secures victory for candidates of his choice”. He continued by saying that the politics of godfatherism involves the anointing of a godson who is expected to win an election by using the influence, wealth, political structure and political experience of godfather.
Godfathers are powerful individuals who determine who, what, when and how things operate and are usually in the corridors of power. Many godfathers in the present day Nigeria operate like the mafia by displaying similar violent scheming and aggressive ‘politicking’ coupled with manipulating devices of having their way by any means. They rely on Machiavelli’s slogan, “the ends justify the means”.
Following from the above, it is glaring that godfathers’ role is sponsoring and bankrolling of bills. This is what gives them the power over their godsons and the penchant to wrench their powers at all cost if their will is not obeyed. Chimaroke Nnamani, the former governor of Enugu State stated that, the position of godfather in any system is like a virus, often out to create ill-will, but especially to subjugate the godson whom he planted and would want to do his will at all cost. The godson is placed in subservient position through his godfather. According to him, the godfather is a merchant set out to acquire the godson as a client”. The godfather is simply a self seeking individual out there to use the government for his own purposes (Chimaroke, 2004:17).
Osuntokun (2003:42), the political relationship under successive governments in Nigeria is a reflection of the international economic order, which facilitates the pursuit or regime change by avaricious godfather whose major pre-occupation is to perpetuate their hegemonic political influence for personal interest and aggrandizement. If the aforementioned statement is properly x-rayed, one would agree with the statement that the reward of godfatherism seems to be more personalized. The godfathers take politics as an occupation they rely solely on it for survival. They subject their godchildren to their hegemonic political influence. They rig elections massively to install their clients into offices. Virtually, they do this because of their interest in the state resources and assurance of kick-backs.
In the words of Thovethin (2004:69)..”those that cannot muster the billions of naira enter into “nocturnal agreement with political Lords who also want to control state power, but lack necessary credibility for contesting and winning election or those that see politics as the most money spinning investment”. Therefore, those who have political ideas and do not have access to godfathers are not given the opportunity to use their ideas for the benefit of the state.
The illegal use of money in politics belongs to the realm of the godfather. Godfatherism has become a factor in Nigerian politics such that very few politicians can achieve success without the stalwart support of godfathers. In Nigeria, the desire of individuals to rule at all cost has sold political leadership to the highest bidders, as whopping sums of money are needed for
electoral manipulation. Therefore, desperate politicians who wish to win elections usually seek after godfathers. The implication of this in Nigerian politics is that the country is yet to make appreciable progress in transparent governance because godfathers usually create setback, which hinders democratic growth and development in Nigeria.
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Research design
The research design adopted in this study was the survey design. This design was preferred because according to Emory (1980) the design helps the researcher to select reasonable and considerable sample from a large population and using questionnaire to get responses from respondents with the aim of making inferences or generalization on the population at a given point in time about chosen problems or variables.
The researcher adopted the survey design in order to survey and study selected areas in Uyo metropolis with a view making inference instead of studying the entire city.
Population of study
The population used in the study consists of all political office holders (both appointed and elected) in Uyo Akwa Ibom State. Since it is not possible to deal with the whole targeted population, effort was made to randomly select accessible population of about 200 politicians.
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION
A total of 200 questionnaires was administered out of this number, 185 questionnaires were returned out of this number, 180 were properly filled. The other 5 were not properly filled; hence we ended up with 190 respondents.
DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
The results obtained from the study is analyzed as follows:
Table 4.1: shows that out of 180 respondents 38.8% were between the ages of 35-40 years, 45.8% were between the ages of 41-45 years, while 15.6 % were between the ages of 46 – 50 years. Thus a larger population of respondents fell within the 41-45 years brackets.
From the table 4.2 shows that 47.8% of the respondents are females, while 52.3% are males.
Table 4.3 revealed that , 10.6% of respondents have acquired OND or NCE certificate 70.6% have B.sc/ HND, while 18.8% either M.sc/P.hD. table 4.4 showed that , 100 respondents representing 55.6% were political appointees while the remaining 80 respondents who represented 44.4% were elected office holders. Table 4.5 shows that 40% of respondents admitted that Godfatherism has dominated Nigeria political space, while 60% disagreed.Table 4.6 indicated that 38.3% of the respondents said that Godfathers sponsor their godson into political offices, while a whopping 61.7% of the respondents said no to the assertion. Table 4.7 revealed that 58.9% of the respondents admitted that Godfathers ensures that their godsons wins elections under any condition but 41.4% of respondents denied.
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION
SUMMARY
This study examines “Godfatherism and electoral politics in Nigeria . Godfatherism has become a scary phenomenon in Nigerian politics, godfatherism involves the anointing of a godson who is expected to win an election by using the influence, wealth, political structure and political experience of godfather. Godfathers are powerful individuals who determine who, what, when and how things operate and are usually in the corridors of power.
CONCLUSION
Conclusively, we hope that this research has being enlightening on the role godfathers in the Nigerian electoral politics. Godfatherism constitutes an impediment and a scourge to genuine democracy in Nigeria. It is antithetical to the liberty and welfare of the citizens. The issue of godfatherism should therefore not be treated as a party affair, but should be offered political, social and legal treatment by the government and stakeholders in Nigeria.
RECOMMENDATIONS
To put an end to political crisis created by political godfathers in Nigeria, the following factors as identified by Bernard, (2009) must be considered as first priority so that all illegal acts will be minimized;
- Political awareness campaigns should be put in place to put an end to political murders.
- Elective posts in Nigeria should be made unattractive. The idea of paying jumbo salaries and allowances to elected public servants should be stopped.
- Money, self-centredness and selfish influence should be de-emphasized in partisan politics through vigorous public enlightenment about the fundamental human rights of both the political aspirants and the electorates.
- The electoral law should lay emphasis on proper conduct of primary elections in order to enhance the rights of the electorates in the choice of their candidates or representatives.
- Selection of candidates for elections or declaring candidates “unopposed” should be outlawed and random plebiscite should be introduced by the INEC in the respective constituencies to ascertain the popularity or acceptance of candidates chosen by political parties through primaries.
- Alternatively, the INEC should request for and duly treat preliminary public petitions against candidates chosen at the primaries.
- A provision should be made for independent candidature in the electoral law in order to cut the wings of political godfathers.
- Misuse of the powers of incumbency should be curbed by appointing interim government in place of incumbent President, Governor and Local Government Chairmen shortly before the next elections. This will curb the practice whereby the aforementioned public office holders preside over the elections in which they are contestants and collude with godfathers to rig elections in their own favour with their paraphernalia of office.
- Electronic voting should be adopted for all elections in the country in order to minimize electoral fraud.
References
- Abiola, A.G and Olaopa, O.R. (2006), “Economic Development and Democratic Sustenance”(ed) Politics and the Impact on National Development, Lagos: Centre for Management Development, Shangisha.
- Adebanjo, A. (2004), “The Battle for Anambra”, in Ayoade, J. A. A (2008) Godfather Politics in Nigeria. Abuja: International Foundation for Electoral System IFES
- Adebanjo, Adegbenro (2006), “Deadly Battles in the State” Tell Magazine No. 28, July 9, p.18. Quoted from Amnesty International Report on Nigeria, 2004.
- Ademola, A. (2004), “Political Violence in Nigeria: Current Trends and Manifestation”. Published by the Development of Political Science, Faculty of Business and Social Sciences,
- Adeyemo, W. (2004), “The Deal of the Carpet Baggers,” (ed) Ayoade, J. A. A (2008) Godfather Politics in Nigeria. Abuja: International Foundation for Electoral System IFES
- Agbo, A. (2004), “Day of the Jackals,” (ed) Ayoade, J. A. A (2008) Godfather Politics in Nigeria. Abuja: International Foundation for Electoral System IFES
- Agbo, A. (2004), “Panacea for Peace”, (ed) Ayoade, John A. A (2008) Godfather Politics in Nigeria. Abuja: International Foundation for Electoral System IFES
- Ajayi, F. (2005), “Christ Uba, the Anambra ‘Tsunami’ Epicenter of Election Fraud” (ed)
- Akinola, O. A (2009) Godfatherism and Future of Nigerian Democracy, African Journal of Political Science and International Relations Vol. 3 (6), http://www.academicjournals.org/AJPSIR.
- Akinola, O. A (2009) Godfatherism and Future of Nigerian Democracy African Journal of Political Science and International Relations Vol. 3 (6)
