Godfatherism and Credible Electoral Process; Case Study of Imo State
Chapter One
OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
- To examine the effects of Godfatherism in the electoral process of Imo state.
- To access the problems associates with Godfatherism in the electoral process.
- To examine the strategies to curb Godfatherism in the electoral process in Nigeria.
- Investigate whether Godfatherism has any good impact in electoral process in Nigeria.
CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
Conceptual review
It is not surprising that much of the writings about political patronage in the political science or public administration literatures focused more on developing nations, Africa in particular. This is because many post-colonial African states were castigated as predatory, patrimonial, choice-less democracies, kleptocracy, rent-seeking, etc. As a result, political patronage, which is associated with names like political appointment system or cadre deployment in Nigerian context is seen as immoral and a democratic pathology, which is associated with malfunctioning of the governance systems (Mamogale, 2013). Therefore, political patronage is conceptualized as an exchange relationship in which a variety of goods and services are traded between the political Godfather and the godson. Usually these varieties of goods and services are not traded within the confines of the law and regulations. This simply means that the way in which these goods and services are traded between the principal and the agent does not follow any legal prescripts (Mamogale, 2013). In order words, political patronage or simply cadre deployment is not a legislated policy of government thus often leading non-compliance with recruitment or rather human resource management laws and regulations (Kopecky, 2011). From a principal-agent perspective or what Weber (1948) calls “super” and “subordinate” relationship in a political setting, the principal simply refers to a politician as an elected public representative who is not purely a administrative figure, whereas the agent refers to the state official who is appointed presumably on the basis of qualifications to occupy specialized office either on contractual basis or permanent basis. The principle of “super-subordinate” relations in the institutions means there is a regulated supervision of the lower office by the higher ones and this principle is found in all institutional structures of the economy (Kopecky, 2011). Politics is about power relations between the principal and the agent. The agent is hired and rewarded to implement policy preferences of the principal. The political principal, on the other hand, has the leverage to offer legislation, access to state structures and or job opportunities in exchange for various benefits such as electoral support, campaign contributions, party loyalty, exclusive information and expertise available from the agent. The constitutional provision of ruler-ship in Nigeria is the Party system and the constitution has made the formation of political parties wholly a private investment. All candidates must depend upon political parties for canvassing for, votes from the electorate. This is in contrast to political systems with provision for independent candidature. The formation of political parties in democracies is capital intensive in nature, hence it involves the rich and wealthy individuals who can fund and maintain them. In the third world, these individuals make up the clique known as the “Godfathers” whose patronage and interests are required for the smooth running of the party system (Philip, Chirs, Osimeral & Kingley, 2014). As William (1979) observed, political elites ‘participate in, or influence the making of, decisions that allocate resources within and among social units’. A variety of conflicts are produced in the process. Discourses on political elitism raise two important questions: hierarchy and inequality. ‘Hierarchy’ has to do with the vertical ranking of people in the society into two categories, namely, those at the top and those occupying the lowest positions. Those at the bottom are assumed to be less important than those on top (William, 1979). 4 These social hierarchies are assumed to be pyramidal in nature. There are more people at the bottom of the hierarchy than those on top. The latter are the crème dusac of the society and are responsible for exercise of social, economic and political powers. Their powers consists largely in their ability to ‘articulate ideas, to persuade, to cajole and coerce, to mobilize, to embody and advance symbols top which large numbers of people respond‟ (William, 1979).It is in respect of this point that the notion of political elite is associated with inequality. The political elites simply organize themselves in a manner that makes them superior to the rest of their society. This inequality makes it easy for us to differentiate between ‘rulers’ (the political elites) and the ruled (the masses). An important issue raised by Pareto and Marx in their works is that political elites insulate and isolate themselves from their society and try as much as possible to reproduce themselves from within. They do all possible within their reach to ensure that non-elites do not join their membership. To ensure this, the political elites maintain a safe, functional distance from the rest of the society. They reproduce themselves on an individual and selective basis in a process which Pareto specifically referred to as the ‘circulation of elites’.
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Research design
The researcher used descriptive research survey design in building up this project work the choice of this research design was considered appropriate because of its advantages of identifying attributes of a large population from a group of individuals. The design was suitable for the study as the study sought to godfatherism and credible electoral process
Sources of data collection
Data were collected from two main sources namely:
(i)Primary source and
(ii)Secondary source
Primary source:
These are materials of statistical investigation which were collected by the research for a particular purpose. They can be obtained through a survey, observation questionnaire or as experiment; the researcher has adopted the questionnaire method for this study.
Secondary source:
These are data from textbook Journal handset etc. they arise as byproducts of the same other purposes. Example administration, various other unpublished works and write ups were also used.
Population of the study
Population of a study is a group of persons or aggregate items, things the researcher is interested in getting information on godfatherism and credible electoral process. 200 members of two different political parties in Imo state. was selected randomly by the researcher as the population of the study.
Sample and sampling procedure
Sample is the set people or items which constitute part of a given population sampling. Due to large size of the target population, the researcher used the Taro Yamani formula to arrive at the sample population of the study.
CHAPTER FOUR
PRESENTATION ANALYSIS INTERPRETATION OF DATA
Introduction
Efforts will be made at this stage to present, analyze and interpret the data collected during the field survey. This presentation will be based on the responses from the completed questionnaires. The result of this exercise will be summarized in tabular forms for easy references and analysis. It will also show answers to questions relating to the research questions for this research study. The researcher employed simple percentage in the analysis.
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
Introduction
It is important to ascertain that the objective of this study was to ascertain godfatherism and credible electoral process. In the preceding chapter, the relevant data collected for this study were presented, critically analyzed and appropriate interpretation given. In this chapter, certain recommendations made which in the opinion of the researcher will be of benefits in addressing the challenges of godfatherism and credible electoral process
Summary
This study was on godfatherism and credible electoral process. Four objectives were raised which included: To examine the effects of Godfatherism in the electoral process of Imo state, to access the problems associates with Godfatherism in the electoral process, to examine the strategies to curb Godfatherism in the electoral process in Nigeria and Investigate whether Godfatherism has any good impact in electoral process in Nigeria.. In line with these objectives, two research hypotheses were formulated and two null hypotheses were posited. The total population for the study is 200 members of two political parties in Imo state. The researcher used questionnaires as the instrument for the data collection. Descriptive Survey research design was adopted for this study. A total of 133 respondents made ward chairmen, secretaries, legal adviser and members were used for the study. The data collected were presented in tables and analyzed using simple percentages and frequencies
Conclusion
It was expected that since this country has moved from one government to another, our electoral process should move from lower level to a higher one, though the seed of political discord was sown by British government for their own selfish end. One would have expected the people of Nigeria to understand themselves and unite for the better (Ola, 2007:28). This system of divide and rule policy robbed Nigerians of the common ideology and identity of Nation Building and paved the way for different kinds of leaders we have today. It also gave room for the emergence of different kinds of political parties we have today. These kind of political parties have given room for the kinds of electoral processes we have and the types of policies that have emerged thereof. The Nigerian politicians certainly have fallen below expectations; it has moved them from violence to more wicked ones. The political elite have often converted the jobless poor and unemployed into ready made tugs for the perpetration of these evil and violent actions. If we examine the political history of Nigeria for the past fifty years, one will find that electoral processes in Nigeria have never had peace and have resulted to death of so many innocent Nigerians. A closer look will show that there were repeated scale of violence and religious disturbances between Christians and Muslims on the other hand and between North versus South on the other side. Typical examples were the Kano riot and Jos crisis (Clampham 2002). These have often resulted to sectarian killings and violence with particular reference to the case of the middle belt regions namely Benue and Jos areas. The nature of electoral violence in Nigeria has defiled all imaginations and discussions in the sense that it involves political parties and the godfathers, their supporters, journalist, clergymen and in fact government agents or law enforcement agents (Fischer, 2002). This presupposes that electoral violence cut across different stratters of the society. This is not to say that in the developed world like America and Britain, there was no electoral violence. For example in the eighteenth century in England and America, there were cases of electoral violence in which forces, intimidation and killing were intended as means of winning elections (Seymor and Frary 1918:10). This is now history and there is no hope of such history in view in Nigeria. But the Nigerian situation instead is gradually taken a very dangerous tone and method that in a situation where innocent children and even youth coppers sent to serve their father land are murdered in cold blood can not be accepted at all. Electoral system is a means of transition from one government to another and not a period of destruction of life and property. The elite should understand that election is not a do or die affair, if one election is unfavourable, another may be favourable.
Recommendation
The truth is that the way a state is built determines the pattern it is going to operate. For a total peace to reign in Nigeria there is need for a holistic reconfiguration of the total apparatus of the state, starting from the leadership. Those who take decision in Nigeria must make sure that impartiality in an electoral process must be upheld. It is this that determines the credibility of the elections; members of the independent electoral body must be very honest so that elections in Nigeria must be free and fair to restore confidence in its major electoral process. For sometime now, many Nigerians have lost hope in our electoral process. The Nigerians believe that those who win elections are those who belong to the party in power, who are supported by the godfathers. It is only when the elections are totally independent that we can say that the elections are fair and credible. Finally, the issue of Godfatherism in Nigeria political history should be abrogated and condemned in its entire ramification. The masses should rise up in opposition to this evil trend before it completely destroys our political history. The constitution should be reviewed and wipe away any section which tend to give room for this ugly situation. Perhaps, if it is possible the civil societies should come together and take up arms against the so called Godfathers, in order to save the generation yet unborn. The society should confront them nakedly and then the evil and danger they represent could be wiped away.
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