Gender Equality and Women Representation in the Governance
CHAPTER ONE
Objectives of the Study
The specific objectives of the study are to:
- examine the Gender Action Plan of Osun state between 2003 and 2010;
- determine the level of awareness among key decision makers about gender-related issues;
- investigate gender specific problems arising from political contest.
CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF RELATED AND RELEVANT LITERATURES
Women’s Political Participation:
A Global Outlook Women constitute slightly more than half of the world population. Their contribution to the social and economic development of societies is also more than half as compared to that of men by virtue of their dual roles in the productive and reproductive spheres. Yet their participation in formal political structures and processes, where decisions regarding the use of societal resources generated by both men and women are made, remains insignificant. Presently, women’s representation in legislatures around the world is 18 percent (International Women’s Democracy Centre (IWDC), 2008). Also, regional averages of the percentage of women in parliament vary greatly: · Nordic countries – 41.4% · Americas – 21.8% · Europe (excluding Nordic countries) – 19.1% · Asia – 17.4% · Sub-Saharan Africa – 17.2% · Pacific – 13.4% · Arab states – 9.6% Today only 22 countries have achieved a critical mass of 30 percent or higher women representation in their national Parliaments, mainly as a result of constitutional quotas written into law and requiring that a certain percentage of political positions be occupied by women. Of that number, six are African countries: Burundi, Mozambique, Rwanda, South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda. These countries succeeded because they recognized the importance of equity between women and men in decision-making and they instituted changes in their electoral and parliamentary processes. The US currently ranks 68th of 134 nations worldwide with only 16.8% of women elected to the House of Representatives and 16.0% elected to the Senate. In October 2003, Rwanda became the country closest to reaching parity between men and women of any national legislature. Currently, Rwanda has 48.8% of Lower House seats held by women and 34.6% held in the Upper House. From 1945 to 1995, the number of sovereign states with parliaments increased seven-fold but the percentage of women members in parliament worldwide increased only four-fold. From 1945 to1997, only 42 of the 186 states with a legislative institution have at one time or another selected a woman to preside over Parliament or a House of Parliament; 18 European, 19 of Americas, 3 Africa, 1 Asia, 1 Pacific. Women ministers remain concentrated in social areas (14%) rather than legal (9.4%), economic (4.1%), political (3.4%) and executive (3.9%) areas and there are only 13 women in the highest positions of State out of 189 governments (IWDC, 2008).
Historical Overview of Nigerian Women and Electoral Politics
The political marginalization of women in Nigeria was well played out during the First Republic (1960-1966) when there were only two female legislators, Mrs. Wuraola Esan and Mrs. Bernice Kerry in the Federal Parliament, and two others, Mrs. Margaret Ekpo and Mrs. Janet Muokelu in the Eastern House of Assembly. There was no female minister. During the Second Republic (1979- 1984), there was one female senator out of 571, and 11 members of the House of Representatives out of 445. In the 19 states of the Federation, there was no female representation in all the State Houses of Assembly, neither was there a female chairperson nor councillor at the local government level (Agina-Ude, 2003: 3; Oleru, 1999: 47).
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Research design
The researcher used descriptive research survey design in building up this project work the choice of this research design was considered appropriate because of its advantages of identifying attributes of a large population from a group of individuals. The design was adopted for the study as the study sought to examine gender equality and women representation in governace.
Sources of data collection
Data were collected from two main sources namely:
- Primary source and
- Secondary source
Primary source:
These are materials of statistical investigation which were collected by the research for a particular purpose. They can be obtained through a survey, observation questionnaire or as experiment; the researcher has adopted the questionnaire method for this study.
Secondary source:
These are data from textbook Journal handset etc. they arise as byproducts of the same other purposes. Example administration, various other unpublished works and write ups were also used.
Population of the study
Population of a study is a group of persons or aggregate items, or things. The researcher is interested in getting information which will aid to examine gender equality and women representation in governance. Two hundred (200) respondents were randomly selected randomly by the researcher as the population of the study.
CHAPTER FOUR
PRESENTATION ANALYSIS INTERPRETATION OF DATA
Introduction
Efforts will be made at this stage to present, analyze and interpret the data collected during the field survey. This presentation will be based on the responses from the completed questionnaires. The result of this exercise will be summarized in tabular forms for easy references and analysis. It will also show answers to questions relating to the research questions for this research study. The researcher employed simple percentage in the analysis.
DATA ANALYSIS
The data collected from the respondents were analyzed in tabular form with simple percentage for easy understanding.
A total of 133 (one hundred and thirty three) questionnaires were distributed and 133 questionnaires were returned.
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
Introduction
It is important to reiterate that the objective of this study was to examine gender equality and women representation in governance.
In the preceding chapter, the relevant data collected for this study were presented, critically analyzed and appropriate interpretation given.
Summary
This study was undertaken to examine gender equality and women representation in governance. The study opened with chapter one where the statement of the problem was clearly defined. The study objectives and research hypotheses were defined and formulated respectively. The study reviewed related and relevant literatures. The chapter two gave the conceptual framework, empirical and theoretical studies. The third chapter described the methodology employed by the researcher in collecting both the primary and the secondary data. The research method employed here is the descriptive survey method. The study analyzed and presented the data collected in tables and tested the hypotheses using the chi-square statistical tool. While the fifth chapter gives the study summary and conclusion.
CONCLUSIONS
In Nigeria, the number of women assuming leadership positions is on the increase, even though we are still far from the 35% stipulated for employment of women and occupation of top public offices. However, the present political will demonstrated by the Nigeria government to give more leadership positions to women is a step in the positive direction. Women over the years have proved that when given the opportunity, they can justify the saying that ‘the best man for the job is a woman.’
Nevertheless, although Nigerian women have electoral capacity to acquire power and thereby effect political change by virtue of their superior electoral strength over men, they are lacking in gender competitive consciousness, particularly in a system entrenched with patriarchal hegemonic leadership, and with male political elite unprepared to accede to gender justice. Unfortunately, the whole essence of politics is the acquisition of power. Women cannot, therefore, desire power and at the same time detest competitive politics for its vices. It can, therefore, be reasonable to submit that the fear of politics as a dirty game by women will only consolidate feminine dis-empowerment and exclusion from the political process. The womenfolk need a new political and cultural re-orientation as to the imperative of embracing and helping each other in competitive politics and reconstructing their psychological disposition. Women have failed to acknowledge the existing gender competition in the contemporary world. Ideological cold war has been replaced by “gender war”, war of sex equality and justice. The failure of women to realize this culminates in certain outcomes, which include perceiving politics as dirty, name-calling of female politicians as deviants and voting overwhelmingly for men contestants rather than women in elections. Lastly, power, realistically speaking, is central to human existence and survival.
To envisage its holders to voluntarily relinquish it on the frivolous grounds of gender equality may continue for decades, to remain a dream in the pipeline. Rather than commit such political suicide, women would gain more if they design ways of circumventing all legal, institutional, and procedural devices aimed at achieving such. The onus of seeking and actualising a better balance rests with the power seekers, in this case the women, who seek to establish power equality with men. For affirmative actions to be effective, they must begin with the political parties in all their dealings, and promoted through popular, competitive politics at all levels of national politics.
REFERENCES
- Agina-Ude, A. (2003) “Issues in Affirmative Action and Women Participation”, in Akinyode-Afolabi et.al (eds.), Gender Audit 2003 Election and Issues in Women Political Participation inNigeria; Lagos: WARDC, pp. 22-23.
- Akinyode-Afolabi, A. (2006) “The Imperative of Gender Audit”, in Akinyode-Afolabi et.al (eds.), Gender Audit 2003 Election and Issues in Women Political Participation in Nigeria; Lagos: WARDC, p. 1.
- Lawal, E. E. and Ojo, R.C. (2008) “Politics of Gender Equality in Nigeria” in Emmanuel, O. (eds.), Challenges of Sustaining Democracy in Nigeria; Ibadan: John Achers Publishers Limited, pp. 331-335.
- Momodu, R. (2006) “Intricacies of Women’s Participation in Party Politics”, in Akinyode-Afolabi et.al (eds.), Gender Audit 2003 Election and Issues in Women Political Participation in Nigeria. Lagos: WARDC, p. 19.
- Nwankwo, N. (1996) Gender Equality in Nigerian Politics. Lagos: Deutchetz Publishers, p. 1.
- Nwankwo, N. (2006) “Women and A Challenge Dated in History”, in Akinyode-Afolabi et.al (eds.), Gender Audit 2003 Election and Issues in Women Political Participation in Nigeria; Lagos: WARDC, p. 19.
