Framing of Hate Speech in Selected Broadcasts of Indigenous People of Biafra

Framing of Hate Speech in Selected Broadcasts of Indigenous People of Biafra

Chapter One

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The first major objective of this study is to find out the targets of IPOB hate speeches. Who they are, why they are being targeted and what relationship exists between them and IPOB. This is to determine the personalities behind IPOB targets and the reason for being targete.

Another purpose of this study’s to examine the sources of IPOB hate speech. To examine their authenticity and reliability. And also to find out the kind and extent of influence these sources have on IPOB hate speeches.

Also, this study intends to examine the types of hate speeches presented by IPOB and the actions or deeds that these hate speeches call for as there is always a reason behind every action.

CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

INTRODUCTION

Accurately labeling certain expression as ‘hate speech’ can play an important role in advancing the values of dignity and equality which underpin international human rights law. However, too readily identifying expression as ‘hate speech’ should also be avoided, as its use can also have negative consequences. The term is highly emotive, and can be abused to justify inappropriate restrictions on the right to freedom of expression, in particular in cases of marginalized and vulnerable groups.For these reasons, some advocate alternative, more narrowly-defined, concepts, such as “dangerous speech” or “fear speech,”that focuses more on the propensity of expression to cause widespread violence. In some contexts, such as in resolutions of the UN Human Rights Council, the term “hate speech” is avoided in favour of more elaborate formulations such as “intolerance, negative stereotyping and stigmatization of, and discrimination, incitement to violence, and violence against persons based on religion or belief,” or “the spread of discrimination and prejudice,” or “incitement of hatred.” This perhaps demonstrates reluctance to normalize, or give legitimacy, use of the expression ‘hate speech’, given its status as a heavily contested term.

Theoretical Framework

The theory of the post-colonial state suffixes. At the point of decolonization, the predatory character of the Nigerian state had taken shape and the emerging elites conceived the nationalist struggle merely in terms of getting rid of alien rule and occupying the exalted positions of the Europeans in the civil-service and other vocations (Ikejiani-Clark, 1996). The nationalists who inherited political power from Britain did not have control of the economy and implicitly, there was no ruling class except political elites, who had attained political positions because they had championed the struggle for self-determination (Fadakinte, 2013). Consequently, Nigeria becomes a neo-patrimonial state where party politics and weak democratic institutions persist (Adesote&Abimbola, 2014). Importantly, this character of the state accounted for the collapse of the First, Second and the defunct Third Republics. 11 Despite that the nationalists were conscious of the necessity to fuse political power and economic power, the indigenous dominant class who had ethnic and religious cleavages could not agree among themselves on the modus operandi for the socio-economic and political processes in Nigeria. Ethnicity becomes the ideology for economy survival in the mist of scarce resources (Ake, 1981). The control of the state power by a particular ethnic group also means more wealth, more employment, more government establishments and more government appointments for members of that ethnic group at the expense of the others. Politics assumes a zero- sum nature, whereby gains and losses are fixed and absolute. The winner takes all at the expense of the complete loss of other actors and vice-versa (von Neumann & Morgenstern, 1944). Jega (2012) corroborated the above position and argued that elections in Nigeria have zero-sum character. This zero – sum character of elections leads to negative mobilization of communal (ethnic) feeling by politicians. This negative mobilization of the populace by political parties and politicians is based on the message that if the elections are free and fair then „our party‟ should win. The converse then is that if „our party‟ fails to win the election, then the elections were not free and fair. It is this negative mobilization and the hateful language with which it is done that leads to electoral violence in Nigeria. Collier (2010) rightly observed that anything that affects the prospects of power in Nigeria is contested bitterly, lawlessly and violently. Thus, the Nigerian political history between 1999 and 2015 becomes the history of electoral crises; after all, control of political power is the easiest avenue to wealth accumulation. Hence, strong individuals (ethnic nationalists and political leaders) and organizations (political party) block weak institutions such as the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) from implementing extant electoral laws including the laws that abhors the use of hate 12 speech. Although the legal frameworks guiding electoral campaigns and public speeches have outlawed hate speech, individuals and organizations that breached such laws are rarely prosecuted and punished. This is because the institutions of the state lack the capacity to check reckless/injurious utterances in Nigeria.

CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

INTRODUCTION

This chapter covers the description and discussion on the various techniques and procedures used in the study to collect and analyze the data as it is deemed appropriate.

It is organized under the following sub-headings:

Research Design
Area of the Study
Population of the study
Sample and sampling procedure
Instrument of Data Collection
Validation of the Instrument
Reliability of the Instrument
Method of Data Collection
Method of Data Analysis

RESEARCH DESIGN

According to Asika (2009), research designs are often referred to as the structuring of investigation aimed at identifying variables and their relationships to one another. In this study, questionnaire serves as useful guide to the effort of generating data for this study. The survey research design through the administration of questionnaires was used for the study.

AREA OF THE STUDY

The study was conducted in Anambra State, Nigeria. The population of Anambra State, according to the Anambra State Government is 8.5 million, a number disputed by the Nigerian Government and judged unreliable by the National Population Commission of Nigeria.

POPULATION OF THE STUDY

The population of study consists of residents of Awka in Anambra state.

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

INTRODUCTION

This chapter deals with the presentation and analysis of the result obtained through questionnaires. The data gathered were presented according to the order in which they were arranged in the research questions, simple percentage and pie graphs were used to analyze the demographic information of the respondents while chi-square test was adopted to test the research hypotheses.

CHAPTER FIVE

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

The objectives of the study were the following

Another purpose of this study’s to examine the sources of IPOB hate speech.

To examine their authenticity and reliability. And also to find out the kind and extent of influence these sources have on IPOB hate speeches.

Also, this study intends to examine the types of hate speeches presented by IPOB and the actions or deeds that these hate speeches call for as there is always a reason behind every action.

Findings from the study revealed the following

IPOB is a well known group in the south eastern Nigeria.
The IPOB have been known for hates speeches in its broadcast.
THE IPOB mostly frames hate speeches to get government’s attention.
Hate speeches in the broadcast of the IPOB have had an effect on their existence.
Hate speeches have been common in the broadcasts of the IPOB.

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The Nigerian government should establish an independent commission of inquiry to conduct a transparent, comprehensive, and impartial investigation into alleged unlawful killings and other human rights abuses of Biafra supporters. The Commission should include, among others, representatives of the pro-Biafra groups such as MASSOB and IPOB, international and national human rights groups, and the UN Special Rapporteur on Extra-Judicial Killings, this should be done in an attempt of reducing or stopping hate speeches of Biafra groups. The investigation should focus on determining:

The identity of all those that were allegedly killed or abused and the circumstances under which their human rights were violated; and
The identity of those that were directly involved in the killings and abuses and the circumstances under which the alleged violations of human rights were carried out.

The Nigerian government should prosecute without delay and in accordance with international fair trial standards all those implicated in the killing and abuse of Biafra supporters so as to set a course for the reducing the framing of hate speeches by the IPOB.
The Nigerian government should conduct quick, open and fair trial of Biafra agitators in detention.
The Nigerian government should set up a high-level Peace and Reconciliation Commission to engage with pro-Biafra groups with a view to devising an effective approach to the resolution of the agitation for Biafra and by extension reduce the framing of hate speeches by biafran agitators. The Commission should undertake consultations with state governments and other relevant stakeholders with a view of encouraging them to buy into the peace initiative and identify the specific role they would play in the reconciliation process. The core objectives of the Commission should include:

To provide a platform for pro-Biafra groups to express their grievances, and for the government to channel them to the appropriate quarters for redress.
To relate the relevant grievances to the government’s reform programme, including legal and constitutional reforms.
To develop a compendium of quick intervention measures by different actors including federal, state, and local governments, to address the grievances underlying the agitation for Biafra.
To formulate mechanisms for monitoring and evaluating how redressive measures recommended are implemented.

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