Feminism and the Role of Women Participation in Nigeria Politics Fourth Republic (a Case Study of Ojo Local Government)
CHAPTER ONE
Objective of the study
- To Assess the Extent of Women’s Representation in Nigerian Politics
- To Analyze the Prevalence and Consequences of Violence Against Women in Politics (VAWIP)
- To Evaluate the Impact of Feminist Advocacy on Women’s Political Participation
CHAPTER TWO
REVIEWED OF RELATED LITERATURE
WOMEN IN POLITICAL ACTIVITIES IN NIGERIA
In Nigeria, although women constitute 50 percent of the population and 51 percent of voters in elections, yet, they do not enjoy their full political rights like their male counterparts (Ofong, 2002). Available statistics revealed that women’s overall political representation in government is less than 7 percent (Agbalajobi, 2010). The military regimes in Nigeria from 1966 to 1979 witnessed male domination in all the Federal, State and Local governments’ appointments. No female was appointed into the highest political machinery of the government, either the Supreme Military Council or Armed Forces Ruling Council. Despite long military rule in Nigeria since 1960 Independence, the military administrators in all the states of the federation were men and the situation was not too different during Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999-2015). In the 1979 general elections, the excuse that long rule of military as a major excuse had hindered women’s performance in political and elections’ processes remain challenging (Oriavwote, 2000). Out of five political parties that contested elections in the Second Republic (1979- 1983) all the Presidents and Vice-President Candidates were men. Out of contested Governors and Deputy Governors in the 19 states then, only two female Deputy Governors were presented by the National Party of Nigeria out of five parties. This indicated that the executive arms of government in both the state and federal levels comprised of only 2 (1.0%) women while men had (99.0%). Besides, no woman won a seat out of 95 Senate seats and only two women won membership seats into the 449 House of Representative in the 1979 general elections. The Shagari-led government appointed one woman out of 45 cabinet ministers and 3 women as junior ministers. The same poor situation was repeated in the 1983 general elections when less than 100 women (which is less than 0.8% of all the positions contested for by women) ran for political offices out of 12,000 political offices in all the tiers of governments. From these 100 women, only 2 women ran for vice gubernatorial positions, 4 women for the Senatorial seats where only one seat was won; 19 women ran for House of Representatives while 71 seats in State House of Assemblies were vied for by women. Also, in 1997/98 transitional programmes, only 8 women members were elected into the Senate out of 109 seats and 16 women out of 369 House of Representative seats. In this 1997/98 data, it indicated that out of contested position in the National Assembly, only 5.0% of the elected positions were female, which is insignificant when compared to their male counterpart. Between 1998 and 2015, women were encouraged to contest elections in Local, States, and National levels unlike the previous elections. Both governmental and non-governmental organisations were in the crusade of awareness to motivate women to maximum participation. Not only this, political party like Peoples Democratic Party waived interests’ form and party nomination fees for women who were interested in contesting elections, the decision of the party was to give women easier ways to contest effectively with their male counterparts by eradicating the financial weakness of women. Despite these encouragement in the 1999 general elections, out of the 978 contestable seats in all the States’ Houses of Assembly, men won 966 (98.8%) while women won only 12 (1.2%) positions. At the National Assembly, women occupied 13 (3.6%) out of the 360 seats in the House of Representatives, while men occupied 347 (96.4%) seats. Also, in the upper chamber, women won 3 (2.8%) seats out of the 109 seats in Senate, while their male counterparts won 106 (97.2%) seats. In the 2003 general elections, out of the 951 available seats in all the states’ houses of assembly, women won 39 (4.0%) seats and men occupied 912 (96.0%) seats. There was no significant improvement in the House of Representatives since women occupied 21 (6.0%) seats and men occupied 105 (94.0%) sea while only 3.7% of the women won seat in the Senate. There was no significant improvement in the House of Representatives since women occupied 21 (6.0%) seats and men occupied 105 (94.0%) sea while only 3.7% of the women won seat in the Senate. There was low level of increasement in the 2007 general elections, out of 990 seats, women won 54 (5.5%) seats in all the States’ Houses of Assembly and men occupied 94.5% (936) seats. In the lower chamber of House of Representatives, women occupied 25 (7.0%) seats and men 100 (93.0%) seats. In the Senate, women occupied only 9 (8.3%) seats while men won the remaining seats.
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
INTRODUCTION
In this chapter, we described the research procedure for this study. A research methodology is a research process adopted or employed to systematically and scientifically present the results of a study to the research audience viz. a vis, the study beneficiaries.
RESEARCH DESIGN
Research designs are perceived to be an overall strategy adopted by the researcher whereby different components of the study are integrated in a logical manner to effectively address a research problem. In this study, the researcher employed the survey research design. This is due to the nature of the study whereby the opinion and views of people are sampled. According to Singleton & Straits, (2009), Survey research can use quantitative research strategies (e.g., using questionnaires with numerically rated items), qualitative research strategies (e.g., using open-ended questions), or both strategies (i.e., mixed methods). As it is often used to describe and explore human behaviour, surveys are therefore frequently used in social and psychological research.
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
INTRODUCTION
This chapter presents the analysis of data derived through the questionnaire and key informant interview administered on the respondents in the study area. The analysis and interpretation were derived from the findings of the study. The data analysis depicts the simple frequency and percentage of the respondents as well as interpretation of the information gathered. A total of eighty (80) questionnaires were administered to respondents of which only seventy-seven (77) were returned and validated. This was due to irregular, incomplete and inappropriate responses to some questionnaire. For this study a total of 77 was validated for the analysis.
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
Introduction
It is important to ascertain that the objective of this study was to ascertain Feminism and the role of women participation in Nigeria politics fourth republic (a case study of Ojo local government).. In the preceding chapter, the relevant data collected for this study were presented, critically analyzed and appropriate interpretation given. In this chapter, certain recommendations made which in the opinion of the researcher will be of benefits in addressing feminism and the role of women participation in Nigeria politics fourth republic.
Summary
This study was on Feminism and the role of women participation in Nigeria politics fourth republic (a case study of Ojo local government).Three objectives were raised which included: To Assess the Extent of Women’s Representation in Nigerian Politics, To Analyze the Prevalence and Consequences of Violence Against Women in Politics (VAWIP) and To Evaluate the Impact of Feminist Advocacy on Women’s Political Participation. A total of 77 responses were received and validated from the enrolled participants where all respondents were drawn from selected staff of Ojo local government. Hypothesis was tested using Chi-Square statistical tool (SPSS).
Conclusion
In conclusion, the study on feminism and the role of women’s participation in Nigerian politics during the Fourth Republic highlights the transformative impact of feminist activism on the political landscape. Throughout Nigeria’s history, feminism has served as a powerful catalyst for change, challenging deeply entrenched patriarchal norms and advocating for the rights and inclusion of women in political leadership roles.
Recommendation
The Nigerian government should continue to strengthen and enforce legal frameworks that promote women’s participation in politics. This includes ensuring that affirmative action policies, such as quota systems for political parties, are effectively implemented and enforced.
Promote education and awareness campaigns aimed at challenging traditional gender norms and stereotypes that discourage women from participating in politics. These campaigns should target both women and men, as changing attitudes is essential for long-term progress.
Invest in capacity-building programs to empower women with the necessary skills and knowledge for successful political engagement. These programs should encompass leadership training, public speaking, and policy analysis.
Address the issue of violence against women in politics. Implement measures to prevent and respond to gender-based violence, both within and outside the political arena, and provide support and protection for women in politics.
Encourage collaboration between feminist organizations and civil society groups to continue advocating for women’s rights and political participation. These partnerships can amplify the voices of women and pressure policymakers to prioritize gender equality.
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