Roles of Self-Objectification and Appearance Anxiety on Marital Satisfaction
Chapter One
PREAMBLE OF THE STUDY
The internalization of the objectifying messages from the media leads individuals to self-objectify and guides the perception of their worth (Thompson and Stice, 2001; Vandenbosch and Eggermont, 2012; Karazsia, 2013). Recently, some authors have pointed out the necessity to address the ideological antecedents of self-objectification. In their experimental studies, Calogero and Jost (2011) found that women exposed to specific ideology, i.e., sexist attitudes, increase their level of self-objectification. They conclude that self-objectification can be considered as a consequence of an ideological pattern that justifies and preserves the societal status quo. Teng (2016), with a sample of Chinese women, showed that women’s values play a role in fostering a self-objectifying perspective, besides other sociocultural and interpersonal predictors. By means of an experimental study, these authors induced materialism and found that “certain situational cues that do not contain any explicit information about the physical body could give rise to self-objectification” (Teng, 2016). Thus, they demonstrated that materialism can trigger self-objectification tendencies. In line with this research, Teng, (2016) in their study with Chinese subjects showed that the more materialistic women are, the more likely that they adopt on an objectifying gaze upon themselves and show more monitoring of their body. Despite these two recent studies and few exceptions (Loughnan, 2015) for the impact of culture on male and female self-objectification; Myers and Crowther, (2007) for the role of feminist beliefs and Hurt, (2007) for the role of feminist identity) to the best of our knowledge no other research has explored the role played by specific ideological components, such as personal values, in the development of self-objectification. However, according to Howard (1985), values play an important role in shaping people attitudes and behaviors. For example, empirical studies have shown that self-objectification predicted greater body shame and greater appearance anxiety (Moradi & Huang, 2008).
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
The following sections review literature relevant to the proposed study investigating body image and sexual satisfaction in women. Key areas reviewed include: (a) body image and sexual functioning, (b) objectification theory as a theoretical framework to understand body image problems and sexual dysfunction, and (c) additional variables that may influence the relationships between body image and sexual functioning in women.
Body Image and Sexual Functioning in Women
Women’s sexual functioning is a complex phenomenon influenced by many factors, including the number and types of sexual experiences one has had in the past; interpersonal factors (e.g., relationship status, relationship satisfaction); biological factors (e.g., nerve damage, androgen insufficiency); individual psychological variables (e.g., body image, self-esteem); and the sociocultural context in which sexual activity occurs (Althof et al., 2005; Tiefer, 2001). Although the term sexual functioning can have a variety of meanings, it generally describes the amount and types of sexual experience one has had; the ability to become physically aroused and experience orgasm; or the degree of sexual pleasure or satisfaction one experiences during sexual activity (Wiederman, 2011).
Research indicates that sexual functioning is highly variable among individual women (Basson, 2008). As a result, much debate and discussion surrounds defining normal and abnormal sexual function in women. Despite our limited understanding of women’s sexual functioning, research suggests that sexual functioning plays an important role in women’s overall wellbeing. For example, in a large-scale survey of sexual behavior in men and women ages 40-80 in Western Europe, Canada, and Australia, approximately one-third of women reported that sex was extremely or very important for their overall life satisfaction (Laumann et al., 2006). Therefore, understanding variables that contribute to sexual functioning has significant implications for women’s psychological health.
Independent from the exact definition used to describe sexual health, problems with sexual functioning are quite common in women. According to the DSM-IV-TR, sexual dysfunction is characterized by disturbance in sexual desire and in the psychophysiological changes that characterize the sexual response cycle and cause marked distress and interpersonal difficulty (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). The sexual response cycle is divided into the following phases: desire, excitement, orgasm, and resolution. Desire is the phase that consists of fantasies about sexual activity and the desire to have sexual activity. The excitement phase consists of a subjective sense of sexual pleasure and accompanying physiological changes. The orgasm phase consists of a peaking of sexual pleasure, with release of sexual tension. Finally, in the resolution phase of sexual activity, there is a sense of muscular relaxation and general wellbeing.
The sexual diagnoses outlined in the DSM-IV-TR are classified as sexual desire disorders (hypoactive sexual desire disorder, sexual aversion disorder), sexual arousal disorder (female sexual arousal disorder), orgasmic disorder (female orgasmic disorder), and sexual pain disorders (dyspareunia, vaginismus).
Despite the utility of the DSM-IV TR in defining clinically problematic types and levels of sexual dysfunction, it is important to broadly examine sexual dysfunction in women for at least two primary reasons (i.e., not study only those with clinicallydiagnosable sexual problems). First, some researchers argue that it is important to adopt such a sociocultural view of women’s sexual problems in order to avoid specifying any one pattern of sexual experience as functional or dysfunctional (Tiefer, 2001).
CHAPTER THREE
Data Analyses
Prior to analyses, I examined the data to determine whether they were normally distributed. Visual examination of normal Q-Q plots, skewness, and kurtosis statistics indicated that sample data were generally normally distributed on all outcome variables with no severe violations. Missing data were removed using listwise deletion. In addition to calculating basic descriptive information (including mean values of and bivariate correlations between body surveillance, body shame, body self-consciousness during sexual activity, BMI, and sexual satisfaction), I tested the primary study hypotheses (see Figure 2) through path analysis using the EQS 6.1 program. To test Hypothesis 1, I examined path coefficients and tested the fit of the proposed model presented in Figure 2.
CHAPTER FOUR
RESULTS
Descriptive Information: Bivariate Correlations and Means of Outcome Variables
Means (SDs) and bivariate correlations between BMI, body surveillance, body shame, body self-consciousness during sexual activity, and sexual satisfaction appear in Table 1. Participants in this study were about 19 years old (Mage = 19.13, SD = 1.52, range 18-24) and of average weight (MBMI = 22.68, SD = 3.91, range 15.68-36.31). Over half of the sample reported being in an exclusive relationship (57.9%, n = 213).
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, AND CONCLUSIONS
The present study aimed to address limitations in extant literature by using the tenets of objectification theory to examine the relationship between body image and sexual functioning in an ethnically diverse sample of female college students. As hypothesized, when controlling for body size and relationship status, body surveillance predicted increased body shame; body shame partially mediated the link between body surveillance and increased body self-consciousness during sexual activity; and body selfconsciousness during sexual activity fully mediated the relationship between body shame and decreased sexual satisfaction. Specifically, model fit was adequate in the original model, accounting for 30% of the variance in college women’s sexual satisfaction. After slightly revising the model by removing BMI as a predictor of body surveillance, body self-consciousness during sexual activity, and sexual satisfaction, it improved model fit and accounted for an additional 1% of the variance in sexual satisfaction.
These results yield at least four key findings that have important implications for clinical practice and research. First, these data are consistent with existing research highlighting a negative relationship between the psychological consequences of selfobjectification (i.e., body surveillance and body shame) and women’s sexuality (Calogero & Thompson, 2009; Sanchez & Kiefer, 2007; Steer & Tiggemann, 2008); and generally lend support for using the tenets of objectification theory to understand women’s sexual satisfaction and body image (Frederickson & Roberts, 1997). Specifically, in the current study, body surveillance and body shame contributed to increased self-consciousness in the context of sexual activity, which predicted decreased sexual satisfaction for women.
This is similar to the results of Calogero and Thompson’s (2009) study, in which researchers found that one-third of the variance in British college women’s sexual satisfaction was explained by their objectification model, in which body surveillance led to increased body shame, which led to decreased sexual satisfaction.
Second, this study offers important data on mediating factors that influence the relationship between self-objectification and sexual satisfaction. Few studies have explicitly examined the underlying processes linking body concerns and women’s sexual experiences (Sanchez & Kiefer, 2007; Steer & Tiggemann, 2008). Findings from this study suggest that body shame partially mediates the relationship between body surveillance and body self-consciousness during sexual activity. In other words, women who monitor their appearance more frequently experience higher levels of body shame; and both body monitoring and shame contribute to increased body self-consciousness during sexual activities. These data are consistent with previous research linking body surveillance and body shame to increased body self-consciousness during sexual activity
(Claudat, Warren, & Durette, 2012; Sanchez & Kiefer, 2007; Steer & Tiggemann, 2008). For example, Claudat and colleagues (2012) found that body shame partially mediated the relationship between body surveillance and body self-consciousness during sexual activity in a sample of ethnically diverse female college students. Furthermore, the current study found that body self-consciousness during sexual activity fully mediated the relationship between body shame and sexual satisfaction. This is consistent with some previous research demonstrating that self-consciousness during sexual activity fully mediated the relationship between body shame and general sexual functioning for women and men (e.g., Sanchez & Kiefer, 2007; Steer & Tiggemann, 2008).
Third, study results suggest it is important to account for relationship status when examining women’s subjective sexual experiences. Path analysis results indicated that not being in an exclusive relationship was associated with decreased sexual satisfaction and increased body concerns during sexual activity. These findings are similar to previous research indicating that women who are not in a romantic relationship report greater sexual problems and higher levels of self-consciousness during sexual activity than those involved in an exclusive romantic relationship (e.g., Faith & Schare 1993; Meana & Nunnink, 2006; Sanchez & Kiefer, 2007; Steer & Tiggemann, 2008; Wiederman, 2000). Theoretically, some researchers suggest that this occurs because when in a committed relationship with someone, a woman may habituate to her partner and therefore become less concerned about her appearance during sexual activity (Wiederman, 2000). Future research should explore this possibility and examine specific protective factors associated with being in an exclusive relationship to guide interventions for women’s sexual problems.
Finally, the present study highlights that it is important to carefully consider the influence of BMI when investigating women’s body image and sexuality. Although the relationship between BMI and women’s body image is well documented (e.g., Presnell et al., 2004; Stice & Whitenton, 2002), scant research exists examining the relationship between BMI and female sexuality. In this study, BMI was not significantly correlated with body surveillance. This is consistent with objectification theory because, regardless of body size, women are likely to engage in body surveillance as a cognitive behavioral manifestation of self-objectification. As such, surveillance serves as the mechanism through which a woman can monitor her appearance and compare herself to the cultural body ideal. Furthermore, in the current study, BMI was modestly associated with body shame. This is also consistent with objectification theory and research indicating that if a woman perceives she fails to meet the thin ideal, body shame is the result (e.g., Presnell et al., 2004; Stice & Whitenton, 2002). Contrary to study hypotheses, BMI was not significantly predictive of body self-consciousness during sexual activity or sexual satisfaction. As such, BMI may play a role in women’s sexual experience to the extent that it influences body image experiences, such as body shame (Cash et al., 2004; Pujols et al., 2009). Further research investigating the relationship between BMI and female sexuality is warranted.
Although the present study offers important contributions to the body image literature, it is not without its limitations. This study utilized retrospective self-report measures, which may limit the accuracy of participant recall. These data are also crosssectional, which limits my ability to infer causal relationships among study variables. Future studies utilizing a longitudinal or experimental design are warranted to truly understand causal relationships between self-objectification experiences, body image in the context of sexual activity, and sexual satisfaction in women. Additionally, a significant amount of variance in women’s sexual satisfaction remained unaccounted for using the proposed model. This is likely because the study model only accounted for factors relevant to women’s body image experiences that may contribute to female sexual satisfaction. That said, future researchers may want to examine the relationships between objectification experiences, body image, sexual satisfaction, and additional factors that have been shown to affect female sexual satisfaction, such as physical health, quality of life, and relationship factors (e.g., relationship satisfaction, stability, and communication;
Byers, 2005; Litzinger & Gordon, 2005; Rosen & Bachman, 2008; Sprecher, 2002; Young, Denny, Luquis, & Young, 1998).
Other limitations exist surrounding the sample selected for the current study. This study examined body image and sexuality in heterosexual women ages 18-24. Consequently, these findings may not be generalizable to women of other age groups or sexual orientations. Finally, this study was conducted with an ethnically heterogeneous sample of college women in Las Vegas, Nevada. Although I believe it is a significant contribution to the literature to include such a diverse sample, as existing research examines these constructs in predominantly White, European American samples (e.g., Calogero & Thompson, 2009; Steer & Tiggemann, 2008), it is possible that ethnic differences would emerge in model fit if I had a large enough sample to test the model by ethnic group. Furthermore, geographically, these women live in a highly sexualized atmosphere. Therefore, women in this study may be exposed to objectification experiences more so than woman from other regions of the United States. Consequently, study findings must be replicated with women from other geographical reasons in order to test their generalizability.
Finally, the model tested in the present study was also limited. Although it is important to consider women’s subjective sexual experiences, this study only examined one domain of women’s sexual health—sexual satisfaction. Future researchers could examine other domains of women’s sexual functioning (e.g., desire, orgasm) using a model based on the tenets of objectification theory in order to gain a better understanding of how objectification experiences influence female sexuality. Furthermore, path analysis was used in this study to test specific hypotheses regarding the relationships among study variables in the path model. It is important to note that alternative models with different assumptions about the relationships among the observed variables may fit the data equally well.
Despite the limitations of the current research, the present study extended research in the area of objectification theory by testing a model examining body image and sexuality in an ethnically diverse sample of heterosexual women. Approaching women’s sexual health from an objectification theory framework may be clinically useful, as it places women’s sexuality in its cultural context. The APA’s 2007 Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Girls and Women (APA, 2007) encourage psychologists to maintain up-to-date awareness of social forces and their interactions with gender in determining mental health. By gaining a better understanding of the effects of selfobjectification on women’s sexual health, clinicians may be better equipped to provide culturally competent clinical services to women. For example, clinicians may be better informed in considering how living in a culture that sexually objectifies women contributes to a client’s presenting problems, and how the interventions they implement may serve to maintain or challenge the status quo that promotes the sexual objectification of women (Szymanski et al., 2011).
Although a growing body of literature links objectification experiences and women’s sexual health, further research is warranted to identify how self-objectification may translate in the sexual behavior and beliefs of women. Preliminary research suggests that sexual objectification may negatively impact how a woman conceptualizes her sexuality and expectations about sexual roles (APA, 2010). For example, research suggests that women who are exposed to sexual objectification may be significantly more accepting of rape myths (such as the belief that women invite rape by engaging in certain behavior), sexual harassment, sex role stereotypes, interpersonal violence, and adversarial sexual beliefs about relationships (Kalof, 1999; Milburn, Mather, & Conrad 2000; Ward, 2002, as cited in APA, 2010). Further research in this area may be helpful in guiding prevention efforts and psychoeducational programs aimed at promoting healthy sexuality in women.
The current findings also highlight the importance of considering objectification experiences and body image when conceptualizing women’s sexual problems in clinical contexts. Findings suggest that clinicians should assess for self-objectification experiences, body shame, and body surveillance when women present with concerns of sexual dissatisfaction (Szymanski, Carr, & Moffitt, 2011). For example, it may be important for clinicians to consider how living in a culture that sexually objectifies women influences clients and their sexuality. It may be useful for clinicians to encourage clients to examine how their culture and experiences with sexual objectification influence their body image and sexuality (Szymanski et al., 2011) in an effort to reframe their presenting problems by putting them into their sociocultural context (Worell & Remer, 2003 as cited in Szymanski et al., 2011).
Furthermore, due to their negative consequences, body surveillance, body shame, and body self-consciousness during sexual activity may be important intervention targets in clinical contexts with college women. Clinicians may be able to minimize the impact of sexual objectification on women’s sexual satisfaction by implementing treatment strategies designed to address body surveillance, body shame, and body image concerns during sexual activity. For example, clinicians may help clients challenge the internalization of unachievable standards of beauty, decrease how frequently a woman engages in body monitoring, and decrease the shame associated with not meeting the cultural body standard (Szymanski et al, 2011). Initial research suggests that cognitive behavioral strategies aimed at cognitive restructuring of one’s body image, and techniques aimed to limit women’s social comparisons of their bodies, may be useful in treatment settings to improve women’s body image (Rubin, Nemeroff, & Russo, 2004; Williamson & Netemeyer 2000). Addressing women’s body image concerns, particularly in the context of sexual activity, may in turn improve women’s sexual satisfaction.
Finally, findings intimate that relationship factors are important to consider in the treatment of women’s body image concerns and sexual dissatisfaction. The present findings underscore that being in an exclusive relationship may be associated with protective factors for body self-consciousness during sexual activity and sexual dissatisfaction. Furthermore, previous research suggests that romantic partners may be an important source of body image feedback for women (e.g., Tantleff-Dunn & Thompson, 1995). Thus, one clinical implication of such findings may be that clinicians could incorporate partners into the treatment of women’s body image concerns during sexual activity. For example, Wiederman (2001) suggests that clients could be encouraged to engage their partner in conversation in nonsexual settings regarding client’s appearance concerns. Clients could also be encouraged to use their partner’s sexual arousal and response during sexual activity as feedback regarding the partner’s perceptions of their bodies rather than to assume the partner’s perception of them (Wiederman, 2001).
REFERENCES
- Abrahamson, D. J., Barlow, D. H., & Abrahamson, L. S. (1989). Differential effects of performance demand and distraction on sexually functional and dysfunctional males. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 98(3), 241-247. doi:10.1037/0021843X.98.3.241
- Ackard, D. M., Kearney-Cooke, A., & Peterson, C. B. (2000). Effect of body image and self-image on women’s sexual behaviors. International Journal of Eating
- Disorders, 28, 422-429. doi:10.1002/1098-108X(200012)28:4<422::AIDEAT10>3.0.CO;2-1
- Adams, A. E., Haynes, S. N., & Brayer, M. A. (1985). Cognitive distraction in female sexual arousal. Psychophysiology, 22(6), 689-696. doi:10.1111/j.14698986.1985.tb01669.x
- Althof, S. E., Leiblum, S. R., Chevret-Measson, M., Hartmann, U., Levine, S. B., McCabe, M., …Wylie, K. (2005). Psychological and interpersonal dimensions of sexual function and dysfunction. Journal of Sexual Medicine, 2(6), 793-800. doi:10.1111/j.1743-6109.2005.00145.x
- American Psychological Association (2010). Report of the APA Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Retrieved from http://www.apa.org/pi/women/programs/girls/report-full.pdf
- American Psychological Association (2007). Guidelines for psychological practice with girls and women. American Psychologist, 62, 949-979. doi: 10.1037/0003- 066X.62.9.949
- Andres, R. (1989) Does the “best” body weight change with age? In A.J. Stunkard & A. Baum (Eds.), Perspectives in behavioral medicine: Eating, sleeping, and sex (pp 99-107). Hillside, NJ: Erlbaum.
- Augustus-Horvath, C. L., & Tylka, T. L. (2009). A test and extension of objectification theory as it predicts disordered eating: Does women’s age matter? Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52, 253-265. doi: 10.1037/a0014637
